St. Alphonsus Liguori: The History of Heresies and Their Refutation

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CHAPTER V. HERESIES OF THE FIFTH CENTURY

ARTICLE II. ON THE HERESY OF PELAGIUS

5. Origin of the Heresy of Pelagius.
6. His Errors and Subterfuges. 7-Celestius and his Condemnation.
8. Perversity of Pelagius.
9. Council of Diospolis.
10 & ll. He is Condemned by St. Innocent Pope.
12. Again Condemned by Sozymus.
13. Julian, a follower of Pelagius.
14. Semi-Pelagians.
15. Predestination.
16 & 17. Godeschalcus.



5. Pelagius was born in Great Britain, and his parents were so poor, that in his youth, he scarcely received any instruction in letters; he became a monk, but nothing more than a mere lay monk, and that was all the dignity he ever arrived at. He lived a long time in Rome, and was respected for his virtues, by very many persons; he was loved by St. Paulinus (1); and, esteemed by St. Augustine. He was also looked on as a learned man, as he composed some useful works (2), to wit, three books on the Trinity, and a collection of passages of the Scripture on Christian Morality. He, unhappily, however, fell into heresy, while he sojourned at Rome, in regard to grace; and he took his doctrines from a Syrian priest, called Rufinus, (not Rufinus of Aquilea, who disputed with St. Jerome). This error was already spread through the East (3); for Theodore, Bishop of Mopsuestia, had already taught the same errors as Pelagius; and deduced them from the same sources, the principles of Origen (4). This Rufinus, then coming to Rome, about the year 400, in the reign of Pope Anastasius, was the first introducer there of that heresy; but, as he was a cautious man, he did not publicly promulgate it himself, not to bring himself into trouble, but availed himself of Pelagius, who, about the year 405, began to dispute against the Grace of Jesus Christ.

One day, in particular, a bishop having quoted the words of St. Augustine, in his Confessions: “Lord, grant us what thou orderest, and order what thou wishest:” Pelagius could not contain himself, and inveighed against the author. He concealed his errors for a time, however, and only communicated them to his disciples, to see how they would be received, and to approve or reject them afterwards, as suited his convenience (5). He afterwards became himself the disseminator of his heresy. We shall now review his errors.


6. The errors of Pelagius were the following: First That Adam and Eve were created mortal, and that their sin only hurt themselves, and not their posterity. Second Infants are now born in the same state that Adam was before his fall. Third Children dying without baptism, do not indeed go to heaven, but they possess eternal life. Such, St. Augustine testifies, were the errors of Pelagius (6). The principal error of Pelagius and his followers, was, concerning Grace and Free-Will, for he asserted, that man, by the natural force of his free-will, could fulfil all the Divine precepts, conquer all temptations and passions, and arrive at perfection without the assistance of grace (7). When he first began to disseminate this pernicious error, which saps the whole system of our Faith, St. Augustine says, that the Catholics were horrified, and loudly exclaimed against him, so he and his disciples searched every way, for a loop-hole to escape from the consequences, and to mitigate the horror excited by so dreadful a blasphemy. The first subterfuge was this: Pelagius said, that he did not deny the necessity of Grace, but that Grace was Free-Will itself, granted gratuitously by God, to man, without any merit on their part. These are his words, quoted by St. Augustine (8): ” Free-Will is sufficient that I may be just, I say not without Grace;” but the Catholics said, that it was necessary to distinguish between Grace and Free-Will. To this Pelagius answered (and here is the second subterfuge), that by the name of Grace is understood the law or doctrine by which the Lord gave us the Grace to teach us how we are to live. ” They say,” St. Augustine writes (9), ” God created man with Free-Will, and, giving him precepts, teaches him how he should live, and in that assists him, inasmuch, as by teaching him, he removes ignorance.”

But the Catholics answered, that if Grace consisted in the Law alone given to man, the Passion of Jesus Christ would be useless. The Pelagians answered, that the Grace of Christ consisted in giving us the good example of his life, that we might imitate him; (and this was the third subterfuge,) and as Adam injured us by bad example, so our Saviour assisted us by his good example. Christ affords a help to us, not to sin, since he left us an example by living holily (10); but this example given by Christ, St. Augustine answers, was not distinct from his doctrine, for our Lord taught both by precept and example. The Pelagians seeing that their position regarding these three points was untenable, added a fourth subterfuge, that was, the fourth species of grace the grace of the remission of sins. They say, says St. Augustine (11), that the Grace of God is only valuable for the remission of sins, and not for avoiding future ones: and they say, therefore, the coming of Jesus Christ is not without its utility, since the grace of pardon is of value for the remission of past sins, and the example of Christ for avoiding future ones. The fifth subterfuge of the Pelagians was this: They admitted, as St. Augustine (12) tells us, the internal grace of illustration; but we should admit, with the holy doctor, that they admitted this illustration, solely ex parte objecti, that is, the internal grace to know the value of good and the deformity of bad works, but not ex parte intellectus, so that this grace would give a man strength to embrace the good and avoid the evil. We now come to the sixth and last shift: He finally admitted internal grace, not only on the part of the object, but on the part of human ability, strengthened by grace to do well; but he did not admit it as necessary according to our belief, but only as useful to accomplish more easily what is good, as St. Augustine explains it (13). Pelagius asserts, that Grace is given to us, that what is commanded to us by God, should be more easily accomplished; but Faith teaches us that Grace is not only useful, but absolutely necessary to do good and avoid evil.


7. The Pelagian heresy was very widely extended in a little time. His chief disciple was Celestius, a man of noble family, and a eunuch from his birth. He practised as a lawyer for a time, and then went into a monastery; he then became a disciple of Pelagius, and began to deny Original Sin. Pelagius was reserved, but Celestius was free-spoken and ardent. They both left Home a little before it was taken by the Goths, in 409. They went together, it is believed, first to Sicily, and afterwards to Africa, where Celestius thought to get himself ordained priest, in Carthage; but when the heresy he was teaching was discovered, he was condemned, and excommunicated by the Bishop Aurelius, and a Council summoned by him, in Carthage; he appealed from the Council to the Apostolic See, but, instead of going to Rome, to prosecute his appeal, he went to Ephesus, where he was raised to the priesthood without sufficient caution; but when his heresy became manifest, he was banished from the city, with all his followers (14). Notwithstanding all this, after the lapse of five years, he went to Rome to prosecute the appeal, but he was then condemned again, as we shall now see.


8. Pelagius, instead of repenting after the condemnation of Celestius, only became more obstinate in his errors, and began to teach them more openly. About this time the noble virgin, Demetriades, of the ancient Roman family of the Anicii, put into execution a glorious resolution she had made. She had taken refuge in Africa when the Goths desolated Rome, and when her parents were about to marry her to a nobleman, she forsook the world, and, clothing herself in mean garments, as St. Jerome (15) tells us, consecrated her virginity to Christ. St. Jerome, St. Augustine, and even the Pope, St. Innocent, congratulated this devout lady on the good choice she made. Pelagius also wrote a letter to her, in which, while he praises her, he endeavours to insinuate his poison. He used these words: In hic merito cœteris prœferenda es, quæ nisi ex te, et in te esse non possunt (16). St. Augustine at once recognized the poison disseminated in this letter, and, explaining the words, Nisi ex te et in te, he says, as far as the second expression, Nisi in te (17), it is very well said; but all the poison is in the first part, he says, Nisi ex te, for the error of Pelagius is, that all that man does of good he does altogether of himself, without the assistance of grace.

At the same time, when St. Jerome got cognizance of this letter of Pelagius, he also wrote to the lady (18), cautioning her against his doctrine, and from that out began to combat his heresy in several books, and especially in that of ” The Dialogue of Atticus and Oitobulus.” St. Augustine, likewise, never ceased for ten years to combat the errors of Pelagius; and his books, ” De Natura et Gratia,” ” De Gratia Christi,” “De Peccato Originali.” &c., prove how successfully he refuted them.


9. When Pelagius saw that he was not cordially received in Africa, he went to Palestine, where John, Bishop of Jerusalem, received him; and, in a Council held with his clergy, instead of condemning him, as he ought, he only imposed silence on both parties (19). In the year 415, a council of fourteen bishops as held in Diospolis, a city of Palestine; and here Pelagius, as Cardinal Baronius (20) tells us, induced the bishops to agree to the following propositions, all Catholic, indeed, and opposed to the errors promulgated by him and Celestius: First, Adam would not have died had he not sinned. Second, The sin of Adam is transfused into the whole human race. Third, Infants, are not such as Adam was previous to his fault. Fourth, as in Adam all die, according to the Apostle, so in Christ all will be vivified. Fifth, Unbaptized infants cannot obtain eternal life. Sixth, God gives us assistance to do good, according to St. Paul (I. Tim. vi, 17). Seventh, It is God that gives us grace to do every good work, and this grace is not given to us according to our merits. Eighth, Grace comes to us, given gratuitously by God, according to his mercy. Ninth, The children of God are those who daily say, ” forgive us our sins,” which we could not say if we were entirely without sin. Tenth, Free-will exists, but it must be assisted by Divine help. Eleventh, The victory over temptations does not come from our own will, but from the grace of God. Twelfth, The pardon of sins is not given according to the merits of those who ask it, but according to the Divine Mercy.

Pelagius confessed all these truths, and the council of bishops, deceived by his hypocrisy, admitted him to the communion of the Church (21); but in this they acted imprudently, for, although his errors were condemned, he was personally justified, which gave him a far greater facility of disseminating his errors, afterwards, and, on this account, St. Jerome, speaking of this Synod, calls it a miserable one (22), and St. Innocent the Pope refused to admit him to his communion, although he was informed of the retractation of his errors in that Synod, for he truly suspected that his confession was only feigned. The subsequent conduct of Pelagius proved the penetration of the holy Pontiff, for, as soon as he was freed from the obedience of those bishops, he returned to his vomit, and rejected the truths he had then professed, and especially on the point of grace, as St. Augustine remarks (23) he said, that Divine grace was necessary to do what was right more easily, but the good depended directly on our free will, and this grace he called the grace of possibility. St. Augustine (24), writing against this false novelty, indites this great sentence:” God, by co-operating in us, perfects that which he began by operating; for we are worth nothing for any pious work without him operating, that we may wish it, or co-operating, when we do wish it.” Pelagius, hoping that the proceedings of the Council of Diospolis would be buried in darkness, wrote four books afterwards against the “Dialogue” of St. Jerome, and entitled his work “De Libero Arbitrio” (25).


10. The affairs of Pelagius did not take such a favourable turn in Africa as they did in Palestine, for in the following year, 416, the Bishop Aurelius summoned another Council in Carthage, in which both he and Celestius were again condemned; and it was decided to send a Synodal letter to the Pope, St. Innocent, that he might confirm the decree of the Council by Pontifical authority (26); and, about the same time, another Council of sixty-one Numidian Bishops was held in Milevis, and a letter was likewise written to the Pope, calling on him to condemn the heresy (27).

Pope Innocent answered both Synodal letters in 417; confirmed the Christian doctrine held by the councils concerning grace (28); and condemned Pelagius and Celestius, with all their adherents, and declared them separated from the communion of the Church. He answered, at the same time, and in the same strain, the letters of five other bishops, who had written to him on the same subject; and, among other remarks, says, that he found nothing in Pelagius’s book which pleased him, and scarcely anything which did not displease him, and which was not deserving of universal reprobation (29). It was then that St. Augustine, as he himself mentions (30), when Pope Innocent’s answer arrived, said: ” Two Councils have referred this matter to the Apostolic See. Rescripts have been sent in answer; the cause is decided”


11. We should remark that St. Prosper (31) writes, that St. Innocent the Pope was the first to condemn the heresy of Pelagius: Pestein subeuntem prima recidit Sedes Roma Petri, quæ pastoralis honoris Facta caput mundi, quidquid non possidet armis, Religione tenet.
But how can St. Prosper say that St. Innocent was the first to condemn this heresy, when it was already condemned in 412 by the first Council of Carthage, and by the second, in 416, and by the Council of Milevis? Graveson (32) answers, that these Councils considered it their duty to refer the condemnation of Celestius and Pelagius to the Apostolic See, and, on that account, St. Prosper writes, that the first condemnation proceeded from the Pope. Garner (33) says that the Pelagian heresy was condemned by twenty-four Councils, and, finally, by the General Council of Ephesus, in 431 (34), for up to that time the Pelagians had not ceased to disturb the Church.


12. When Pelagius and Celestius heard of the sentence pronounced against them by St. Innocent, they wrote him a letter filled with lies and equivocations, appealing to his supreme tribunal from the sentence passed on them by the bishops of Africa; and, as St. Innocent had died, and St. Zozymus was elected in his place, Celestius went to Home himself, to endeavour to gain his favour. St. Zozymus was, at first, doubtful how he ought to act in the matter; but the African bishops suggested to him that he ought not to interfere with a sentence passed by his predecessor, and when the holy Pontiff was better informed of the deceits of Pelagius and Celestius, and especially of the flight of the latter from Rome, when he heard that the Pope was about to examine the cause more narrowly, he was convinced of their bad faith, and condemned their doctrine (35).


13. The author of the Portable Dictionary (36), writes that Pelagius, after his condemnation by Pope Zozymus, and the proclamation subsequent, issued against him by the Emperor Honorious from Rome, went to his beloved Palestine, where he was before so well received; but as his impiety and hypocrisy were now well known, he was driven out of that province. We do not know afterwards what became of him, but it is probable that he returned to England to disseminate his doctrines, and that it was this which induced the bishops of Gaul to send St. Germain de Auxerre there to refute him. The Pelagian heresy was finally extinguished in a short time, and no one was bold enough openly to declare himself its protector, with the exception of Julian, son and successor to Memorius, in the See of Capua. He was a man of talent, but of no steadiness, and the great liveliness of his understanding served to ruin him, by inducing him to declare himself an avowed professor of the heresy of Pelagius. His name is celebrated on account of his famous disputes with St. Augustine, who at first was his friend, but afterwards, in defence of religion, was obliged to declare himself his adversary, and pursued him as a heretic. He was afterwards banished out of Italy, and went to the East, and after wandering in poverty for a long time through various regions, he at last was obliged to support himself by teaching school. It is said he died in Sicily in the reign of the Emperor Valentinian (37). The refutation of the Pelagian heresy will be found in the last volume of this work.


14. Several years had rolled by since St. Augustine had successfully combatted the Pelagian heresy, when, in the very bosom of the Church, a sort of conspiracy was formed against the Saint, including many persons remarkable for their learning and piety; this happened about the year 428, and they were called Semi-Pelagians. The chief of this party was John Cassianus, who was born, as Genadius informs us, in the Lesser Scythia, and spent part of his time in the monastery of Bethlehem. From that he came first to Rome, and then to Marseilles, where he founded two monasteries, one of men and one of women, and took the government of them according to the rules he had practised, or seen observed, in the monasteries of Palestine and Egpyt; these rules he wrote in the first four books of twelve he published under the title of Monastic Instructions. What is more to the purpose we treat of, he endeavoured to bring into notice and establish his erroneous sentiments on the necessity of Grace, in his thirteenth Collation or Conference; and to give more weight to his errors, he puts them into the mouth of Cheremon, one of the solitaries of Panefisum, a place in Egypt, who, he said, was well instructed in all the disputes about Grace, but which, as Orsi says (38), were never spoken of at all when Cassianus was in Egypt; nor could any one, in any human probability, ever imagine that such a dispute would be raised in the Church. Nevertheless, he, as it were, constituted that holy monk as a sort of judge between Pelagius and St. Augustine, and puts into his mouth a condemnation, more or less of both, as if St. Augustine had erred in attributing too much to Grace, by attributing to it even the first movements of the will to do what is right, and that Pelagius erred in attributing too much to Free-Will, by denying the necessity of Grace to carry out good works. Cassianus thought, in the meanwhile, that he had found out a means of reconciling both parties, Catholics and heretics; but it was only by combatting one error by another, and his erroneous doctrine was followed by many persons of the greatest piety in Gaul, and especially in Marseilles, who willingly imbibed the poison, because mixed with many Catholic truths in his works.

The Semi-Pelagians then admitted the necessity of Grace, but they were guilty of a most pernicious error, in saying, that the beginning of salvation often comes to us from ourselves without it. They added other errors to this, by saying that perseverance and election to glory could be acquired by our own natural strength and merits. They said, likewise, that some children die before baptism, and others after, on account of the foreknowledge God possesses of the good or evil they would do if they lived (39).


15. Cassianus died in 433, and was considered a Saint (40); but the Semi-Pelagians were condemned in the year 432, at the request of St. Prosper, and St. Hilary, by Pope Celestine I., in a letter written by him to the Bishops of Italy. They were also condemned in 529, by Pope Felix IV., in the Synod of Oranges, and, immediately after, in the Synod of Valence; and both these Councils, as Noel Alexander testifies (41), were confirmed by Pope Boniface II. At the end of the work will be found the refutation of this heresy.


16. In the year 417, according to Prosper of Tyre, or in the year 415, according to Sigisbert, arose the heresy of the Predestinarians (42); these said that good works were of no use to those, for salvation, whom God foreknows will be lost; and that if the wicked are predestined to glory, their sins are of no harm to them. Sigisbert’s words are (43): “Asserebunt nec pie viventibus prodesse bonorum operum laborem, si a Deo ad damnationem præsciti essent : nec impiis obesse, etiamsi improbe viverent.” Noel Alexander says that a certain priest of the name of Lucidus (44), having fallen into the errors of the Predestinarians, and his opinions becoming notorious, he was obliged to retract them by Faustus de Hies, on the authority of a Council held at Aries, in 475; he obeyed, and signed a retractation of the following errors: First, The labour of human obedience is not to be joined to Divine Grace. Second, He should be condemned who says, that after the fall of the first man, the freedom of the will is entirely extinct. Third, Or who says that Christ did not die for all men. Fourth, Or who says that the foreknowledge of God violently drives men to death, or that those who perish, perish by the will of God. Fifth, Or who says that whoever sins, dies in Adam, after lawfully receiving baptism. Sixth Or who says that some are deputed to death eternal, and others predestined to life.

This heresy, or these errors were condemned in the Council of Lyons, in the year 475. It is a question among the learned, whether the Predestinarians ever existed as a heretical body. Cardinal Orsi and Berti (45), with Contenson, Cabassutius and Jansenius deny it; but Tournelly (46), with Baronius, Spondanus, and Sirmond, held the contrary opinion, and Graveson quotes Cardinal Norris (47) in their favour, and Noel Alexander thinks his opinion probable (48).


17. In the ninth century, Godeschalcus, a German Benedictine monk lived, who is generally considered a real Predestinarian. He was a man of a turbulent and troublesome disposition. He went to Rome through a motive of piety, without leave of his superiors, and usurping the office of a preacher without lawful mission, disseminated his maxims in several places, on which account he was condemned in a Synod, held on his account, in Mayence, in 848, by the Archbishop Rabanus, and sent to Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, his superior. Hincmar, in another, held in Quiercy, again condemned him, deprived him of the sacerdotal dignity, and after obliging him to throw his writings into the fire with his own hand, shut him up in close confinement in the monastery of Haut Villiers, in the diocese of Rheims. Two Councils were held in Quiercy on this affair, one in 849, in which Godeschalcus was condemned, and the other in the year 853, in which four canons were established against his doctrine, and which we shall hereafter quote. Finally, Hincmar being at Haut Villiers, the monks of the monastery told him that Godeschalcus was near his end, and anxious for his eternal welfare, he sent him a formula of Faith to sign, that he might receive Absolution and the Viaticum, but he rejected it with disdain.

Hincmar could then do no more, but after his departure, he wrote to the monks, telling them, that in case of the conversion of Godeschalcus, they should treat him as he had given them verbal directions to do; but if he persevered in his errors, that they should not give him the Sacraments, or Ecclesiastical burial. He died unchanged, and without sacraments, and he was deprived of Christian burial (49).


18. His errors, Van Ranst informs us, were these following : First as God has predestined some to eternal life, so he predestines others to everlasting death, and forces man to perish. Second God does not wish the salvation of all men, but only of those who are saved. Third Christ died for the salvation of the elect alone, and not for the redemption of all men. These three propositions of Godeschaleus are also contained in a letter written by Hincmar to Nicholas I. “He says,” writes Hincmar, ” that the old Predestinarians said, that as God predestined some to eternal life, so he predestined others to everlasting death” (50); and Rabanus, in his Synodical letter to Hincmar, says: “He (Godeschalcus) taught that there are some in this world, who on account of the predestination of God, who forces them to go to death, cannot correct themselves from sin; as if God, from the beginning, made them incorrigible and deserving of punishment to go to destruction. Second, He says that God does not wish all men to be saved, but only those who are saved. Third, He says that our Lord Jesus Christ was not crucified and died for the salvation of all, but only for those who are saved” (51). The four canons established in the Council of Quiercy against Godeschalcus, as Cardinal Gotti (52) writes, were these following: First There is only one predestination by God, that is to eternal life. Second The free will of man is healed by means of Grace. Third God wishes all men to be saved. Fourth Jesus Christ has suffered for all.


19. As to the judgment we should pass on the faith of Godeschalcus, some modern writers, as Christian Lupus, Berti, Contenson, and Roncaglia (53), defend it, by thus explaining his three propositions: As to the first, the predestination to death; they say that it can be understood of the predestination to punishment, which God makes after the prevision of sin. As to the second, that God does not wish the salvation of all; it can be understood of his not wishing it efficaciously. And, as to the third, that Jesus Christ had not died for the salvation of all; it can, likewise, be understood, that he did not die efficaciously. But on the other hand, as Tournelly writes, all Catholic doctors previous to Jansenius (with the exception of some few, as Prudentius, Bishop of Troyes, in France; Pandal, Bishop of Lyons; and Loup, Abbot of Ferrieres), condemned them as heretical, and, with very good reason; many modern authors, of the greatest weight, as Sirmond, Cardinal de Norris, Mabillon, Tournelly, and Noel Alexander, are of the same opinion (54).

As far as our judgment on the matter goes, we say, that if Godeschalcus intended to express himself, as his defenders have afterwards explained his words, he was not a heretic; but, at all events, he was culpable in not explaining himself more clearly; but, as Van Ranst very well remarks, his propositions, as they are laid before us, and taking them in their plain obvious sense, are marked with heresy. As he did not explain himself according as his friends do who defend him, and he showed so much obstinacy in refusing to accommodate himself to his superiors, and as he died so unhappily, as we have already related, we may reasonably doubt of his good faith, and have fears for his eternal salvation.



(1) St. Aug. de Gestis Pelagian, c. 22.
(2) Gennad de Scriptur. c. 42.
(3) Orsi, t. 11, /. 25, n. 42; Fleury, t. 4, l. 23, Nos. 1 and 2.
(4) Orsi, ibid.
(5) Fleury, ibid. n. 1, ex Mereat. Comp. Theolog. t. 5, pt. 1, Disp. 1, a. 3.
(6) St. Aug. de Gertis Pelagian, c. 35 & 35.
(7) Nat. Alex. t. 10, c. 3. art., 3; St. Fluery, l. c, n. 48; Tournelly,
(8) St. August, Serm. 26. al. 11, de. Verb, apost. (9) Idem, I. de. Spir. & littas.c . 2.
(10) Apud. St. Angus. l. de Gratia Christi. c. 2.
(11) St. Augus. de Gratia Christi. a. lib. arb. c. 13.
(12) Idem lib.de Gratia, cap. 7 & 10.
(13) St. Augus. de Gratia Christi c. 26.
(14) Orsi, t. 11, l. 25, n. 44; Fleury, l. 3, n. 3.
(15) St. Hier. Ep. 8, ad Demetr.
(16) Apud, St. Augus. Ep. 143.
(17) St. Aug. ibid.
(18) St. Hier. Ep. 8, ad Demetr.
(19) Orsi, t. 25, n. Ill; Fleury, l. 23, n. 18, & seq.
(20) Baron. Ann. a. 415, n. 23,
(21) Fleury, I. 23, n. 20. 
(22) St. Hier. Ep. 79.
(23) St. Aug. de Her. c. 88.
(24) St. Aug. de Grat. & lib. arb. c.17.
(25) Orsi, I. 25, n. 117, ex St. Aug. l. de Gest. Pel. c. 33.
(26) Nat. Alex. t. 10, c. 3, ar. 4, s. 4; Fleury, ibid, n. 20: Orsi, t 11, l. 25, n. 121
(27) Nat. Alex, ibid, s. 5; Fleury,loc. cit.; Orsi, n. 122.
(28) St. Innoc. Ep. 181, n.8 &9, & Ep. 182, n. 6.
(29) Fleury, t. 4, l. 23, n. 34; Orsi, t. 11, I. 25, n. 129.
(30) St. Aug. Serm. 131, n. 10.
(31) St. Prosp. In Carm. de Ingratis.
(32) Graveson, t. 3, col. 2.
(33) Garner, ap. Danes Temp. not. p. 240.
(34) Act. 5 & 7, can. 1 & 4, ap. Danes ibid, p. 241, & vide Fleury, l. 25, n. 53.
(35) Hermant, t. 1, c. 124; Orsi, l.
(36) Diz. Tort. verb. Pelagio.
(37) Hermant, t. 1, c. 124.
(38) Orsi, t. 12, L 17, n. 59.
(39) Nat. Alex. t. 10, c. 3, a. 7 & 8; Orsi, loc. cit. n. 60 & 61.; Fleury, t. 4, l. 24, n. 56 & seq.
(40) Nat. l. cit. ar. 7, s. 4.
(41) Nat. Al. l. cit. ar. 10, in fin.
(42) Nat. Al. t. 10, c. 3, ar. 5.
(43) Sigisbert in Cron. an. 415.
(44) Nat. loco. cit.
(45) Orsi, t. 15, l;. 35, n. 83; Berti Hist. t. 1, s. 5, c. 4.
(46) Tour. t. 4, p. 1, D. 3, concl. 3.
(47) Graves, Hist. t. 3, coll. 2, p. 19.
(48) Nat. Alex. t. 10, c. 3, . 2, p. 144, and Dis. Prop. p. 461
(49) Fleury, t. 7, 1. 41, n. 41 &49, & l. 50, n. 48; Van Ranst, s. 9, p. 153.
(50) Tournelly, Theol. Comp. t. 5, 1, Disp. 4, ar. 3.
(51) Tourn. loc. cit.
(52) Gotti. t. 2, Viet. adv. Her. c. 84, s. 2.
(53) Lupus Not. ad conc. 1 Rom.; Berti, Theol. l. 6, c. 14, prop. 3, & Hist. s. 9, c. 4; Contens. Theol. l. 8; DePrædest. app. 1, .s. 3; Ron caglia, Animad. ap. N. Alex. t. 13, 8; De Prædest. app. 1, .s. 3; Ron
(54) Sirmund. Tract, de Præd. Har. Card, de Noris, l. 2; Hist. Pelag. c. 15; Mabillon, ad sec. IV. Bened. Tournelly, Theol. t. 5, loo. cit. p. 142; Gotti, loc. sopra cit. c. 84, s. diss. 5. 2; Nat. Alex. loc. cit. t. 13, diss. 5.